Saturday, 31 July 2021

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?It is pretty hard to live in that town and tell the truth.?

~ Senator Thomas Schall (about Minneapolis) on the Liggett murder

Walter Liggett was editor of the Midwest American Weekly in Minneapolis, MN. He published what many considered a radical local newspaper in the 1930s with his wife out of a small street-level office on West Lake Street. As the head of the paper, he continuously crusaded against the seedy underbelly of crime in the city. Liggett attempted to establish a link between local crime and politics by tying the city's bad actors to Minnesota Governor Floyd B. Olson.

He had been a primary voice behind an extended crusade against the governor, calling for his impeachment ? both in print and in person ? on more than one occasion. Liggett felt that the governor had allowed the power of his office to cloud his vision and make him rotten. He believed that Olson had used an overly comfortable, ongoing relationship with local gangsters to stamp out any dissidents.

Liggett's harsh words left him with powerful enemies On Monday, December 9, 1935, at 5:41 pm, only moments after returning home with his wife and daughter from a trip that included a stop at the nearby grocery store, Liggett was gunned down in the alley behind his family's apartment. He was forty-nine years old. The newspaperman's death immediately led to nationwide calls to end corruption in the city, but very little was accomplished in the end.

Mere minutes after Liggett got out of his car, a gray-green vehicle with a black top and black fenders turned the corner and started to make its way down the alley. There wasn't much room to drive, so Walter motioned to his wife and daughter to stay in their car until the other vehicle had passed.

When it got close, Liggett did what he could to move out of the way. A man with a Thompson machine gun fired five shots from the car's passenger seat, hitting Liggett multiple times and leaving him lying on his back in the alley.

The car then sped off, and soon after, Walter Liggett was dead.

He had always believed that his unfortunate end was a distinct possibility, even alluding to his eventual demise in print. Liggett felt that the people he spoke up against would go as far as they needed to keep him quiet. This reality frightened him, but it didn't stop him. He'd looked over his shoulder for years, wary of the type of person that may have been staring back at him. Liggett understood the danger of the choices that he had made but believed that exposing corruption was worth the risk.

He'd experienced prior attempts to stop his message, including a vicious assault in a cafe only months before his death. Shortly before his death, he'd been acquitted of a sex charge involving a minor that was designed to put him in prison for the next twenty years. There were many other attempts at intimidation.

Despite the avalanche of attacks against him ? both physical and mental, Liggett refused to be silent. Instead, he grew louder in his calls for reform. Fighting against the evildoers was embedded in his DNA ? it was an integral part of who Liggett was. He likely couldn't have stopped, even if he wanted.

Liggett's wife Edith and the couple's daughter witnessed the entire ordeal from just a few feet away, sitting inside the family car. Mrs. Liggett immediately and unequivocally told anyone who asked that the shooter was Isadore Blumenfeld, aka the notorious Minneapolis mobster Kid Cann. Other witnesses to the shooting corroborated this.

Blumenfeld had been brought in by police on eighteen different charges in the previous fifteen years ? but remained virtually unscathed by law enforcement, was the only suspect held by police. They spent an inordinate time corroborating his alibi, seemingly more than investigating the killing. The gangster claimed he was at a nearby barbershop getting a shave and hair trim at the time of the Liggett murder and could not have been involved.

Mrs. Liggett believed otherwise. She had seen him that night and knew he was the man that killed her husband. In her opinion, he had ?a smile on his face that [she would] never forget.? In the days after her husband's death, the frightened woman drew up the courage it took to go to the police station and pick Blumenfeld out of a police line-up.

For every witness that not only placed him at the scene of the crime but fingered him as the shooter, Blumenfeld was able to find multiple rebuttal witnesses that put him somewhere else. Local police were slow to follow-up on leads, and witnesses were seemingly allowed to shift their testimony as it suited the defense.

The subsequent trial did very little to quiet the concerns that the fix was indeed in.

Local police volleyed between being slow-footed and outright inept. Leads that should have been followed up on weren't, and ever-changing witness testimonies became the norm. For example, very little was made of the fact that Blumenfeld's boss owned a car strikingly similar to the vehicle in the alley that night ? even though the upholstery smelled of smoke nine days after the killing. Witnesses had seen Blumenfeld driving the car earlier that same day.

Also, character assassinations dominated the proceedings over evidence. Liggett was called an alcoholic womanizer who looked to extort money from the local mob for his silence. According to the police, his wife was a hysterical mess, unable to think clearly after her husband's death.

 

Despite three different people fingering Blumenfeld as the shooter in Walter Liggett's death, it took the jury all of ninety minutes to find him innocent of the charges. Before leaving the courtroom. Blumenfeld took time to shake the hand of each of the twelve jury members. That same evening, Minnesota's sole investigator for the crime withdrew, citing constant efforts to block his investigation's progress.

The Liggett murder was first met with calls to fight back against Minneapolis's corruption and avenge the death of the radical newspaperman unwilling to be intimidated into silence ? even if it meant his death. Unfortunately, Blumenfeld's acquittal, considered an ever-increasing near certainty as the trial wore on, silenced those shouts for change. While an occasional newspaper story would bubble up to the surface over the following months, the search for Liggett's murder ended along with the hope for reform.

After the trial ended, Mrs. Liggett packed up her two children and the family's meager belongings and moved out of Minneapolis. She was both afraid for her family's safety and disgusted with local law enforcement's treatment of her husband.

Isadore Blumenfeld, aka Kid Cann, remained a large part of Minneapolis's criminal enterprise almost three more decades before retiring to Miami, Florida, after a short prison sentence. He is widely considered the most notorious mobster in Minneapolis history.

Friday, 30 July 2021

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Thursday, 29 July 2021

Takes the frustration and headache out of gardening and lawn care

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Say goodbye to leaks!

This expanding hose can help you improve your gardening equipment. With up to 3x expandability and high-quality materials, say goodbye to leaks and hello to convenient usage and storage. Choose from five lengths ranging from 25 to 175 feet, as well as two color combinations.

 

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Update Communication Prefrences

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
But US Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy told CNN Wednesday that fully vaccinated people don't need to get a booster at this point, if ever. And any decision on whether that will change will be made by agencies such as the CDC and the US Food and Drug Administration, he said.
"This data from Pfizer, we've been in talks with them about what they're seeing with regard to their studies related to boosters," Murthy told CNN's "Newsroom" when asked about the data release. "But at this point, I want to be very clear: People do not need to go out and get a booster shot."
Murthy also said whether it'd be ethical to recommend a third shot while there is a major vaccine supply shortage in the developing world was a "critical question." The ability to reduce the likelihood of future variants developing depends on tamping down spread around the world, he said.
Pfizer anticipates submitting data on a third dose of its coronavirus vaccine to the FDA as soon as next month, one of its research and development leaders said during a company earnings call Wednesday.
 
Pfizer released new data Wednesday suggesting a third dose of its vaccine can "strongly" boost protection against the Delta variant -- beyond the protection afforded by the standard two doses.
The data, which included 23 people, has not yet been peer-reviewed or published.

In March 2020, as the pandemic began, Anthony Fauci, the chief medical adviser to the president of the United States, explained in a 60 Minutes interview that he felt community use of masks was unnecessary. A few months later, he argued that his statements were not meant to imply that he felt the data to justify the use of cloth masks was insufficient. Rather, he said, had he endorsed mask wearing (of any kind), mass panic would ensue and lead to a surgical and N95 mask shortage among health care workers, who needed the masks more. Yet, emails from a Freedom of Information Act request revealed that Fauci privately gave the same advice?against mask use?suggesting it was not merely his outward stance to the broader public.

Although some have claimed that the evidence changed substantively in the early weeks of March, our assessment of the literature does not concur. We believe the evidence at the time of Fauci's 60 Minutes interview was largely similar to that in April 2020. Thus, there are two ways to consider Fauci's statement. One possibility is, as he says, that his initial statement was dishonest but motivated to avoid a run on masks needed by health care workers. The other is that he believed his initial statements were accurate, and he subsequently decided to advocate for cloth masks to divert attention from surgical or N95 masks, or to provide a sense of hope and control to a fearful and anxious public.

 

Additional evidence suggests that the second interpretation may be more accurate. In a lengthy commentary from July 2020, COVID expert Michael Osterholm wrote in detail about the continued scientific uncertainty regarding masks?even as he expressed support for their widespread public use as one measure among many. But Fauci's reversal, which came at a time of political polarization, contributed to the evolution of masks from a basic, precautionary mitigation strategy to a badge of political allegiance. President Donald Trump was reluctant to wear a mask and justified his behavior by referring to Fauci's comments from the 60 Minutes interview. The controversy continued into the presidential debates, with Trump mocking Joe Biden for donning the ?biggest mask? he'd ever seen.

One thing is beyond a doubt, however: One of those two statements did not accurately reflect the evidence as Fauci saw it. Such high-profile mixed messages in a short time frame, without substantive new data to justify the change, generated confusion and a backlash from politicians, other experts, and the general public.

When experts or agencies deliver information to the public that they consider possibly or definitively false to further a larger, often well-meaning agenda, they are telling what is called a noble lie. Although the teller's intentions may be pure?for example, a feeling of urgency that behavioral change is needed among the lay public?the consequences can undermine not only those intentions but also public trust in experts and science. During the first year of COVID-19, leaders were faced with an unknown disease amid a politically sensitive election in the era of social media, and the preconditions for noble lies became especially fertile. Not surprisingly, we witnessed several examples. More than anything, these examples illustrate the destructive potential of such lies.

 

Later in 2020, Fauci participated in a second noble lie. In December, he explained in a phone interview with then?New York Times reporter Donald McNeil that he had been moving the target estimate for herd immunity based in part on emerging studies. But he also said:

When polls said only about half of all Americans would take a vaccine, I was saying herd immunity would take 70 to 75 percent. Then, when newer surveys said 60 percent or more would take it, I thought, ?I can nudge this up a bit,? so I went to 80, 85.

In his own words, he ?nudged? his target range for herd immunity to promote vaccine uptake. Even though his comments were made to influence public actions to get more people vaccinated (a noble effort), the central dilemma remains: Do we want public health officials to report facts and uncertainties transparently? Or do we want them to shape information, via nudges, to influence the public to take specific actions? The former fosters an open and honest dialogue with the public to facilitate democratic policymaking. The second subverts the very idea of a democracy and implies that those who set the rules or shape the media narrative are justified in depriving the public of information that they may consider or value differently.

 

Aside from whether it's right to tell noble lies in the service of eliciting socially beneficial behavior, there is also the question of efficacy. Experts on infectious diseases are not necessarily experts on social behavior. Even if we accept Fauci's claim that he downplayed the importance of wearing masks because he didn't want to unleash a run on masks, we might wonder how he knew that his noble lie would be more effective than simply being honest and explaining to people why it was important to assure an adequate supply of masks for medical workers.

With the arrival of vaccines in early 2021, the potential for such deliberately misleading messages to backfire became more obvious. Key opinion leaders, agencies, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention all articulated some version of ?once you are vaccinated, nothing changes,? implying that experts did not know if it was safe to relax precautions and restrictions, such as mask wearing or social distancing, after immunization. But the stance was immediately called into question by others, including epidemiologists, who pointed to the high efficacy of the vaccines and suggested that some, but not all, social distancing measures could be relaxed in certain circumstances. Ultimately, the ?no change? message, which may have been intended to discourage mass gatherings or out of a fear that unvaccinated people would lie about their vaccination status, may itself have been harmful: Surveys find that interest in vaccination increases if people are told that it means they can stop masking.

 

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